(Taken from the March 26, 1861 edition of the Staunton Spectator.)

Col. Baldwin’s Speech.

After the conclusion of Prof. Holcombe’s speech in the State Convention in favor of Secession, on Thursday last, Col. Baldwin took the floor and proceeded to make an able and patriotic speech in reply.  The following is the report as furnished by the Dispatch:

Mr. Baldwin then took the floor.  After a brief allusion to the sentiments uttered eloquently by the gentleman from Albemarle, which had moved the hearts of the multitude, he said be recognized this assemblage of Virginians, called to deliberate upon measures to secure the rights of the Commonwealth, as an august assemblage, and he most earnestly joined in the prayer “for light” that had been so devoutly uttered. He claimed for the County which he represented the right to be heard in this assemblage of Virginians.  He did not claim it because of the historic associations to which the gentlemen from Albemarle had alluded, but claimed it for the people of the county of Augusta as a living, acting body of men.  That county he might term the Queen county of the Commonwealth.  In point of population, wealth, position, variety of productions and pursuits, and in every particular, she claimed the consideration of the Convention.  She was identified with every interest of the Commonwealth; and if there were extremes of opinion or prejudice in one quarter or another, Augusta county know nothing of them.  She occupies a central position, and is concerned in every question that affects the rights and interests of the Commonwealth.  What, he asked, was the great question that concerns us here, and threatens to overturn the mighty fabric of a free Government?  He wished to discuss the question as bearing upon Virginia’s rights and Virginia’s honor; and from that standpoint be could see but one single complaint so far as she was concerned, and that was the course of the North upon the question of African slavery.  From the earliest foundation of the Government, Virginia had given direction to its policy; and when it has not been in the hands of her own sons, it has been in the hands of those of her choice, supported and ratified by her people.  This was not only true in regard to the Executive, but she had a controlling voice in all the other departments of Government.

In all this he saw enough to show that the Government had been administered to her satisfaction, and therefore the only cause of complaint was the agitation of the slavery question.  This had been discussed by eloquent and able gentlemen on this floor, and he asked if any man had heard a reference to other grounds of complaint.  He understood gentlemen to acquiesce in this—Thus we have it confessed that in all else that concerns the great interests of thirty millions of people, the Government had been administered to the satisfaction of Virginia.  He could not put out of mind the apprehension that on this great question Virginia was divided; the apprehension that there were some people in this State, and some on this floor, who were not to be trusted.  This was not new to him—he had heard it for years; not from abroad, but the charge came up from the midst of our own family, he had seen it resorted to for the baser ends of party—not only one party, but all.  It had the effect of bounding on fanaticism against us in the councils of the nation, under impressions disseminated by our own citizens—an impression that the people of Virginia were not true to Virginia, but were divided and distracted in regard to her highest interests.  It would seem as if it were resorted to now as a species of terrorism, directed at the representatives of the people of Virginia, in the vain hope of repressing, if not the freedom of thought, the freedom of speech.  He trusted that, in defining his position, he should not defer in any respect to a clamor which he despised. He hoped to show, with candor, in what particular light he viewed what was for the honor and interests of Virginia. 

He had always held the opinion—and had never had to undergo a change such as had been described by the gentleman from Orange, and had not, therefore, perhaps, the fresh zeal of a new convert—that African slavery was right; a right thing and a good thing, on every ground, morally, religiously, politically and economically, a blessing alike to the slave and the slaveholder.  He was not one of those who looked forward to its extinction, nor did he look with any sympathy upon any attempt to restrict it to a particular locality.  When it could be fairly done, he hoped it would expand until it covered the whole earth, as the waters cover the great deep.  The people who sent him here with this avowal on his lip, might, he thought, be considered as sound, a little further South. He represented a slaveholding constituency, who in men and money could compete with any county in the Commonwealth, and they held it all ready, at any time, to defend this great and vital interest. 

He would undertake to say that on the slavery question, the mouth of Virginia was completely estopped as to the want of proper legislation on the part of the General Government.  He defied any gentleman to put his finger on a single act, in any Department of Government, from its foundation to the present, that did not at the time, or afterwards receive the sanction and approval of the people of Virginia. This he asserted to be true, and he challenged contradiction.

After elaborating upon this point, he alluded to the expressions on this floor in regard to the degradation of Virginia, and said be hurled such an imputation back with scorn and contempt.

Mr. Holcombe here asked the gentleman if he said this as an allusion to anything be had said.

Mr. Baldwin had understood him to make use of such language.

Mr. Holcombe denied that be had spoken of Virginia as degraded at present.  It was in allusion to the future, in the event of her failing to dissolve her connection with the North.

Mr. Baldwin did not so understand him, but cheerfully accepted his construction.  He desired to reflect upon no one, and especially the distinguished gentleman from Albemarle.  He applied his remarks to all, here and elsewhere, who spoke of Virginia as degraded at present. It was his belief that the destiny of this great nation depended upon the decision which Virginia shall pronounce.  On the action ot this assemblage depended more, in all that concerns the weal or woe of man—in all that concerns the high destiny of a free people—than was ever before committed to any assemblage by mortal man.  He invoked the representatives of all sections to join bands with one another and swear, as the ark of the covenant of constitutional liberty had been confided to their keeping, to be true to their trust; to register a vow in Heaven to lift up this bleeding country and set her free.

Mr. Randolph, of Richmond—As it is apparent that the gentleman from Augusta would prefer to suspend his remarks until to morrow, I move that the Committee rise.

Mr. Carlisle, of Harrison—I hope the gentleman will withdraw that motion for a few minutes, and I will renew it.  The gentleman from Augusta will of course retain the floor.  I desire to offer a substitute for the whole report of the Committee of Federal Relations.

Mr. Randolph withdrew the motion, and Mr. Carlisle offered his substitute, which was referred to the Committee of the Whole.

On the next day (Friday) the Convention having resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the subject of Federal relations, Mr. Baldwin, of Augusta, resumed the delivery of his argument in favor of a further effort to prevent a permanent dissolution of the American Union. After a recapitulation of the points presented by him yesterday, Mr. B. proceeded to show that the people of Virginia had either distinctly expressed their approval or endorsement of every act of the Federal Government affecting the institution of Slavery, from the Ordinance of ‘87 to the present time, and challenged the production of a single act which was not thus approved or ratified.

Mr. Wise said that he took up the glove.

Mr. Baldwin—And when the glove is taken up, I beg the gentleman to remember the battle is just about to begin.

Mr. Wise hoped it would last long.

Mr. Baldwin said that in the warmth of debate, yesterday, he had used a harshness of expression not consonant with his feelings, or with parliamentary usage.  He disclaimed any intention to be offensive, and declared that be had no taste for asperities.

Mr. Wise said he hoped the gentleman did not refer to him, as be took up that glove with a sweet smile.

Mr. B. replied that he did not refer to the gentleman from Princess Anne, (Mr. Wise,) and then proceeded with his argument.  He said that American liberty is founded in the confidence, the virtue, and intelligence of the people.  The Constitution provides checks and balances against maladministration, and when grievances are to be redressed, all agencies of government should be resorted to—Executive, Legislative and Judicial.  If all these fail, then an appeal to the people who conferred the trust—an appeal from the servants to the masters—must be made.

But for the withdrawal of the Cotton States, the friends of the South would now be in a majority in Congress, and could therefore have the power to withhold supplies until they compelled justice and safety for the South.  Why have they left us thus helpless?  Mr. B., alluding incidentally to the firing of 100 guns at Charleston as a token of rejoicing at the election of Lincoln, said he feared there was not an earnest second, in the South, of our efforts to prevent the election of the Republican candidate.

Mr. B. referred to the recent action of North Carolina, Tennessee, and the Border States, in refusing to hold State Conventions.  Virginia could not unite with the Southern Confederacy if she desired to do so.  A boy in the street said that be supposed she would have to go ’round by water.  But it was said that the voice and example of Virginia were potential, and if she should determine to unite her destiny with the Southern Confederacy, the other States would follow. Would it not be respectful first to ask them if they will go?  Mr. B. proceeded to advocate the Conference of Border States proposed by the Committee.  His idea was that the Conference should demand the most complete and thorough recognition of the rights of the South, and if it was refused by the North, then we’ll have a row.  He would present the alternative of a satisfactory adjustment or a peaceful separation.

Mr. B. declared that the institution oi slavery stood higher at this time, in the estimation of the intellectual, moral and physical world, than it ever stood before.  He recollected when it was only spoken of by Northern men in terms of reprobation.  No more rapid revelation has taken place in the public sentiment of any country than has occurred in the South on the subject of slavery.  It was one time regarded by many persons in this State as a political and social evil.  Now it is defended as a most benificent institution.  The conscience of the South is easy.  In the North there were more proslavery men at this time, than there were in all the South, or in all the world, at the period to which his memory reverted.  A few hair-brained men and old maids—the materials for fanaticism everywhere—commenced the anti-slavery agitation.  The weaker preachers found that it pleased the fair sex, and so they went about adding to the excitement, singing psalms and hymns and spiritual songs. (Laughter.)  The dogs of politicians went eagerly after the scraps which fell from the table of this fanatical Abolition party, and thus that party obtained an adventagious importance, which, to a superficial observer, gave a false idea of Northern sentiment on the question of slavery.  Mr. B. knew he was liable to the imputation of being a Black Republican for presenting these views, but he is a false friend who does not attempt to give the true character of an enemy from whom assaults are expected.  In reply to the allegation that the Northern people will never let the subject of slavery rest because they are “responsible” for its existence, Mr. B. said that if they consent to the amendment to the Constitution recently proposed by Congress, they are no more "responsible” afterwards for the existence of the Institution than if they were the people of another nation.

Mr. B. commented with severity on the “gambling politicia” North and South.  Has it come to this, he asked, that people united by so many historic associations, and substantial interests must now have an angry separation?  Until that decree is declared by the people of both sections at the polls, he would never, never consent to give up this blessed Union!

Mr. B. then discussed and advocated the plan of adjustment adopted by the Peace Congress.  He concurred in the amendments proposed by the Committee on Federal Relations, not because he deemed them essential, but because they would stop the mouths of cavillers.  The question of slavery extension had loomed up into exaggerated importance because there was no Territory belonging to the United States in which any sane man would carry a slave with the expectation of deriving any profit from his employment, and if it were otherwise, there are no slaves to be spared from the old States.  Mr. B. was advocating the re-establishment of the line of 36 deg. 30 min., when he yielded the floor for a motion that the Committee rise, which was submitted by Mr. Gray, and agreed to.

On motion of Mr. Hall, of Lancaster, the Convention adjourned.