Charleston Daily Courier
Aug. 8, 1860

[From the Southern Guardian.]

Letter from Hon. W.W. Boyce.

Gentlemen:—My high respect for you induces me to hasten a reply to your note.

If Lincoln is elected, I think the Southern States should withdraw from the Union; all, if not all, then as many as will, and if no other, South Carolina alone, in the promptest manner, and by the most direct means.

To comprehend the full significance of Lincoln's election, we must remember the principles, the character and the sentiment of the Republican party.

The vital principle of this party is negro equality, the only logical finale of which is emancipation.  To see this, it is only necessary to look at their platform, which though intended for obvious reasons of policy to appear conservative, yet raises the veil in part.  This platform says "we hold that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty," &c.; and this on motion of Mr. Giddings.  This is intended to include negros. It follows, therefore, according to Republican faith, that no one can be rightfully held in slavery.

Slavery, then, is a great wrong.

The Republican party are bound, therefore, so far as their constitutional power goes, to remove that wrong.  At present their practical point of attack is the Territories; when this question shall not longer exist, then the District of Columbia will receive their attention, and so on with the other outposts of slavery. Supposing these outposts disposed of, then the movement necessarily must be directed against slavery in the States. The party will be bound to exercise constitutional powers to destroy slavery in the States. It would be considered entirely constitutional by the Republicans, to agitate the question so as to influence the South, by moral means, to abolish slavery.  And as soon as the admission of new free States, and the change of status of some of the border States furnished the necessary majority to change the Constitution, the Republican party would be sure to demand such change, and abolish slavery in the States. The Republican party has but on stopping place—emancipation. Mr. Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, one of the ablest men in the Republican party, comprehended the mission of his party, when he said in Boston, "I tell you here tonight, that the agitation of human slavery will continue while the foot of a slave presses the soil of the American Republic."

By the character of this party, I mean its sectionalism.  It is a party confined entirely to the Northern States—both its candidates are Northern men.  The idea of the majority section banding together for the purpose of seizing upon the Government, is at war with the spirit of the Constitution.  The great idea of the Constitution is the equality of the States.  The seizure of the Government by one section is a practical revolution in the Government.  The Northern States then become the master States, and the Southern States sink into an inferior condition. This is not the Union into which our fathers entered.  It was ushered in by the administration of Washington, a Southern slave-holder, who had humbled England.

The new order of things which the Republican party propose to introduce, would be inaugurated by the administration of Lincoln, a Northern Abolitionist, who would humble the South.  Between these two administrations what a profound gulf.  The first representing the perfect equality of the States; the second would represent the domination of the North and the subjugation of the South. A half-dozen unsuccessful campaigns could not put the South in a more abject condition.

By the sentiments of this party I mean its antagonism to the South. It requires no elaborate proof to show that the feeling of this party is that of hostility to the South.  The tone of the Republican press, the temper of public speeches, such as are delivered by Sumner and Lovejoy and other leading men of the party, the sympathy for John Brown, the very agitation of the slavery question, and numerous other facts which might be cited, show that the great passion on which the Republican party rests is hatred to the South.

Such being the Republican party, for the South to consent to its domination is to consent to death.  Not that I apprehend any startling measures of aggression by this party immediately.  No, its policy is too obviously a wise moderation, and its leaders are men of too much sagacity to be driven ahead of their programme.  But the mere fact of such a party taking possession of the Federal Government, with the acquiescence of the South, will be the most fatal blow the South has ever received.  The whole power and patronage of the Government will be placed upon the side of negro equality; the Northern majority adverse to us will be stimulated to new life; they will feel the exultation of being the master States.  The Southern States, on the other hand, will be wounded in their prestige.  Their equality gone, hopeless of the future, they will be prepared for defeat because they will have despaired of victory.

Great as are the moral effects, important practical results would also speedily follow.  The patronage of the Administration would be used to build up a Republican party in the border slave States; and the Federal Judiciary would be remodeled, so that the dogmas of fanaticism would become the decrees of the Supreme Court.  Nor could we obtain peace by an abject submission, if so inclined; the agitation would go on with increased volume when it was found not to be hazardous, and we would ultimately be forced to yield all, or to resist under circumstances infinitely more discouraging than exist at present. To acquiesce in the vast powers of the Federal Government going into the hands of our would-be masters, with the intention of resisting at some future time, would be emulate the infatuation of the Numidian King, who delivered his treasures, his arms, his elephants and his deserters to the Romans, and then renewed the war, having needlessly deprived himself of the means of defence.

If the South acquiesces in a Republican Administration, I think the question of negro equality is settled against us, and emancipation only a question of time.  I have regarded this question in the same light for years, and I have considered the success of the Republican party in the Presidential election as involving the necessity of revolution. So regarding it, I have thought the great paramount object of our policy was to let this Republican success occur, if it must occur, under the most auspicious circumstances for a disruption, and those auspicious circumstances I thought would consist principally in the largest attainable sympathy North, and the greatest unity South.  These conditions I thought were most likely to be reached by a wise and prudent moderation on the part of the South.  And I accordingly advised and acted in that direction, and I am satisfied I never gave wiser counsels.  I said to my constituents last Summer, that we must act with most consummate prudence then, in order to profit by most desperate boldness if it became necessary—prudence to give pretext for the election of a Republican, boldness to relieve ourselves from such election if it must take place.  My policy was a consistent policy—prudence, when prudence might be advantageous; boldness, when nothing else was left.  The time is now approaching when in my opinion the only alternative will be boldness.  If the Republican party triumph in the Presidential election, our State has no choice but to immediately withdraw from the Union.  Nor is this so hazardous an undertaking as might be conceived at first sight.

Suppose we have done this.  Then only two courses remain to our enemies: first, they must let us alone; secondly, they must attempt to coerce us.  Either alternative will accomplish our purpose.

Suppose they let us alone—very good.  We will have free trade with Europe, and get along very well in our happy mediocrity far better than as a degraded satellite of a gorgeous system, whose glories would be for others, whose shame for us alone.  We would not have to pay any taxes, direct or indirect, to Northern Abolitionists—that would be some consolation. 

Suppose they undertake to coerce us.  Then the Southern States are compelled to make common cause with us, and we will wake up some morning and find the flag of a Southern Confederacy floating over us. That would be a great deal better than paying tribute to the John Brown sympathisers.

The South still has splendid cards in her hands if she will only play them.  The constitution of Northern society is artificial in the extreme.  Immense wealth has been accumulated there.  A few are richer than the Kings of the East; the multitude labor for their daily bread; much of this wealth is breath—the breath of credit.  A civil convulsion will bring their paper system of credit tumbling about their ears.  The first gun fired in civil war will cost them $500,000,000, and strikes will not be confined to shoemakers, but will become epidemic. If Lincoln is elected, let us put them at defiance, and if they incline to try the last argument of Kings against us—very well.   When, in sixty days, they have lost $500,000,000, and hear the curses of their unemployed mob, demanding bread or blood, perhaps the doctrine of negro equality will not be quite so popular, and the beginning of a powerful reaction may take place—the harbinger of long years of peace and fraternity.  But if no reaction takes place, and our Northern tyrants persist in putting us to our mettle—very well.  If nothing will do them but the sword, be it so.

Let us show that we can grasp the sword as well as they can; that we are not degenerate descendants of those glorious heros from whom we draw our lineage.  If the worst come to the worst, we can but fall, sword in hand, fighting for all that makes life desirable—justice, equality, and our country.  But I have no fear as to the result, if it comes to a question of arms.  We can give blows as well as receive them, and we are as apt to have our Winter quarters in the city of New York, as they theirs in New Orleans.

But we do not desire war.  We wish peace and fraternity in the Union, if possible; but one thing there is which we are determined to have, in the Union or out of it—equality.  Wo[e] to those who would rob us of this, for they will bring great calamities on their country, themselves, and humanity.

WILLIAM W. BOYCE.

Messrs. D.L. Provence, W.S. Lyles.