I have, Senators, believed from the first that the
agitation of the subject of slavery would, if not prevented by
some timely and effective measure, end in disunion. Entertaining
this opinion, I have, on all proper occasions, endeavored to call
the attention of both the two great parties which divide the
country to adopt some measure to prevent so great a disaster, but
without success. The agitation has been permitted to proceed,
with almost no attempt to resist it, until it has reached a point
when it can no longer be disguised or denied that the Union is in
danger. You have thus had forced upon you the greatest and the
gravest question that can ever come under your consideration ---
How can the Union be preserved? To give a satisfactory answer to
this mighty question, it is indispensable to have an accurate and
thorough knowledge of the nature and the character of the cause
by which the Union is endangered. Without such knowledge it is
impossible to pronounce, with any certainty, by what measure it
can be saved; just as it would be impossible for a physician to
pronounce, in the case of some dangerous disease, with any
certainty, by what remedy the patient could be saved, without
similar knowledge of the nature and character of the cause which
produced it. The first question, then, presented for
consideration, in the investigation I propose to make, in order
to obtain such knowledge, is --- What is it that has endangered
the Union?
To this question there can be but one answer, --- that
the immediate cause is the almost universal discontent which
pervades all the States composing the Southern section of the
Union. This widely-extended discontent is not of recent origin.
It commenced with the agitation of the slavery question, and has
been increasing ever since. The next question, going one step
further back, is --- What has caused this widely diffused and
almost universal discontent?
It is a great mistake to suppose, as it is by some,
that it originated with demagogues, who excited the discontent
with the intention of aiding their personal advancement, or with
the disappointed ambition of certain politicians, who resorted to
it as the means of retrieving their fortunes. On the contrary,
all the great political influences of the section were arrayed
against excitement, and exerted to the utmost to keep the people
quiet The great mass of the people of the South were divided, as
in the other section, into Whigs and Democrats. The leaders and
the presses of both parties in the South were very solicitous to
prevent excitement and to preserve quiet; because it was seen
that the effects of the former would necessarily tend to weaken,
if not destroy, the political ties which united them with their
respective parties in the other section. Those who know the
strength of party ties will readily appreciate the immense force
which this cause exerted against agitation, and in favor of
preserving quiet. But, great as it was, it was not sufficient to
prevent the wide-spread discontent which now pervades the
section. No; some cause, far deeper and more powerful than the
one supposed, must exist, to account for discontent so wide and
deep. The question then recurs --- What is the cause of this
discontent? It will be found in the belief of the people of the
Southern States, as prevalent as the discontent itself, that they
cannot remain, as things now are, consistently with honor and
safety, in the Union. The next question to be considered is ---
What has caused this belief?
One of the causes is, undoubtedly, to be traced to the
long-continued agitation of the slave question on the part of the
North, and the many aggressions which they have made on the
rights of the South during the time. I will not enumerate them at
present, as it will be done hereafter in its proper place.
There is another lying back of it --- with which this
is intimately connected --- that may be regarded as the great and
primary cause. This is to be found in the fact that the
equilibrium between the two sections, in the Government as it
stood when the constitution was ratified and the Government put
in action, has been destroyed. At that time there was nearly a
perfect equilibrium between the two, which afforded ample means
to each to protect itself against the aggression of the other;
but, as it now stands, one section has the exclusive power of
controlling the Government, which leaves the other without any
adequate means of protecting itself against its encroachment and
oppression. To place this subject distinctly before you, I have,
Senators, prepared a brief statistical statement, showing the
relative weight of the two sections in the Government under the
first census of 1790 and the last census of 1840.
According to the former, the population of the United
States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee, which then
were in their incipient condition of becoming States; but were
not actually admitted, amounted to 3,929,827. Of this number the
Northern States had 1,997,899, and the Southern 1,952,072, making
a difference of only 45,827 in favor of the former States. The
number of States, including Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee,
were sixteen; of which eight, including Vermont, belonged to the
Northern section, and eight, including Kentucky and Tennessee, to
the Southern, --- making an equal division of the States between
the two sections under the first census. There was a small
preponderance in the House of Representatives, and in the
electoral college, in favor of the Northern, owing to the fact
that, according to the provisions of the constitution, in
estimating the federal numbers five slaves count but three; but
it was too small to affect sensibly the perfect equilibrium
which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such was the
equality of the two sections when the States composing them
agreed to enter into a Federal Union. Since then the equilibrium
between them has been greatly disturbed.
According to the last census the aggregate population
of the United States amounted to 17,063,357, of which the
Northern section contained 9,728,920, and the Southern 7,334,437,
making a difference in round numbers, of 2,400,000. The number of
States had increased from sixteen to twenty-six, making an
addition of ten States. In the meantime the position of Delaware
had become doubtful as to which section she properly belonged.
Considering her as neutral, the Northern States will have
thirteen and the Southern States twelve, making a difference in
the Senate of two Senators in favor of the former. According to
the apportionment under the census of 1840, there were two
hundred and twenty-three members of the House of Representatives,
of which the Northern States had one hundred and thirty-five, and
the Southern States (considering Delaware as neutral)
eighty-seven, making a difference in favor of the former in the
House of Representatives of forty-eight. The difference in the
Senate of two members, added to this, gives to the North, in the
electoral college, a majority of fifty. Since the census of 1840,
four States have been added to the Union --- Iowa, Wisconsin,
Florida, and Texas. They leave the difference in the Senate as it
stood when the census was taken; but add two to the side of the
North in the House, making the present majority in the House in
its favor fifty, and in the electoral college fifty-two.
The result of the whole is to give the Northern
section a predominance in every department of the Government, and
thereby concentrate in it the two elements which constitute the
Federal Government, --- majority of States, and a majority of
their population, estimated in federal numbers. Whatever section
concentrates the two in itself possesses the control of the
entire Government.
But we are just at the close of the sixth decade, and
the commencement of the seventh. The census is to be taken this
year, which must add greatly to the decided preponderance of the
North in the House of Representatives and in the electoral
college. The prospect is, also, that a great increase will be
added to its present preponderance in the Senate, during the
period of the decade, by the addition of new States. Two
territories, Oregon and Minnesota, are already in progress, and
strenuous efforts are making to bring in three additional States
from the territory recently conquered from Mexico; which, if
successful, will add three other States in a short time to the
Northern section, making five States; and increasing the present
number of its States from fifteen to twenty, and of its Senators
from thirty to forty. On the contrary, there is not a single
territory in progress in the Southern section, and no certainty
that any additional State will be added to it during the decade.
The prospect then is, that the two sections in the Senate, should
the efforts now made to exclude the South from the newly acquired
territories succeed, will stand, before the end of the decade,
twenty Northern States to fourteen Southern (considering Delaware
as neutral), and forty Northern Senators to twenty-eight
Southern. This great increase of Senators, added to the great
increase of members of the House of Representatives and the
electoral college on the part of the North, which must take place
under the next decade, will effectually and irretrievably destroy
the equilibrium which existed when the Government commenced.
Had this destruction been the operation of time,
without the interference of Government, the South would have had
no reason to complain; but such was not the fact. It was caused
by the legislation of this Government, which was appointed, as
the common agent of all, and charged with the protection of the
interests and security of all. The legislation by which it has
been effected, may be classed under three heads. The first is,
that series of acts by which the South has been excluded from the
common territory belonging to all the States as members of the
Federal Union --- which have had the effect of extending vastly
the portion allotted to the Northern section, and restricting
within narrow limits the portion left the South. The next
consists in adopting a system of revenue and disbursements, by
which an undue proportion of the burden of taxation has been
imposed upon the South, and an undue proportion of its proceeds
appropriated to the North; and the last is a system of political
measures, by which the original character of the Government has
been radically changed. I propose to bestow upon each of these,
in the order they stand, a few remarks, with the view of showing
that it is owing to the action of this Government, that the
equilibrium between the two sections has been destroyed, and the
whole powers of the of the system centered in a sectional
majority.
The first of the series of acts by which the South was
deprived of its due share of the territories, originated with the
confederacy which preceded the existence of this Government. It
is to be found in the provision of the ordinance of 1787. Its
effect was to exclude the South entirely from that vast and
fertile region which lies between the Ohio and the Mississippi
rivers, now embracing five States and one territory. The next of
the series is the Missouri compromise, which excluded the South
from that large portion of Louisiana which lies north of 36"
30', excepting what is included in the State of Missouri. The
last of the series excluded the South from the whole of the
Oregon Territory. All these, in the slang of the day, were what
are called slave territories, and not free soil; that is,
territories belonging to slaveholding powers and open to the
emigration of masters with their slaves. By these several acts,
the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles - an extent of
country considerably exceeding the entire valley of the
Mississippi. To the South was left the portion of the Territory
of Louisiana lying south of 36° 30', and the portion north of it
included in the State of Missouri, with the portion lying south
of 36° 30', including the States of Louisiana and Arkansas, and
the territory lying west of the latter, and south of 36"
30', called the Indian country. These, with the Territory of
Florida, now the State, make, in the whole, 253,503 square miles,
To this must be added the territory acquired with Texas. If the
whole should be added to the Southern section, it would make an
increase of 325,520, which would make the whole left to the
South, 609,023. But a large part of Texas is still in contest
between the two sections, which leaves it uncertain what will be
the real extent of the portion of territory that may be left to
the South.
I have not included the territory recently acquired by
the treaty with Mexico. The North is making the most strenuous
efforts to appropriate the whole to herself, by excluding the
South from every foot of it. If she should succeed, it will add
to that from which the South has already been excluded, 526,078
square miles, and would increase the whole which the North has
appropriated to herself, to 1,764,023, not including the portion
that she may succeed in excluding us from in Texas. To sum up the
whole, the United States, since they declared their independence,
have acquired 2,373,046 square miles of territory, from which the
North will have excluded the South, if she should succeed in
monopolizing the newly acquired territories, about three-fourths
of the whole, leaving to the South but about one-fourth.
Such is the first and great cause that has destroyed
the equilibrium between the two sections in the Government.
The next is the system of revenue and disbursements
which has been adopted by the Government. It is well known that
the Government has derived its revenue mainly from duties on
imports. I shall not undertake to show that such duties must
necessarily fall mainly on the exporting States, and that the
South, as the great exporting portion of the Union, has in
reality paid vastly more than her due portion of the revenue;
because I deem it unnecessary, as the subject has on so many
occasions been fully discussed. Nor shall I, for the same reason,
undertake to show that a far greater portion of the revenue has
been disbursed at the North, than its due share; and that the
joint effect of these causes has been, to transfer a vast amount
from South to North, which, under an equal system of revenue and
disbursements, would not have been lost to her. If to this be
added, that many of the duties were imposed not for revenue but
for protection, --- that is, intended to put money, not in the
treasury, but directly into the pocket of the manufacturers, ---
some conception may be formed of the immense amount which, in the
long course of sixty years, has been transferred from South to
North. There are no data by which it can be estimated with any
certainty; but it is safe to say, that it amounts to hundreds of
millions of dollars. Under the most moderate estimate, it would
be sufficient to add greatly to the wealth of the North, and thus
greatly increase her population by attracting emigration from all
quarters to that section.
This, combined with the great primary cause, amply
explains why the North has acquired a preponderance in every
department of the Government by its disproportionate increase of
population and States. The former, as has been shown has
increased, in fifty years, 2,400,000 over that of the South. This
increase of population, during so long a period, is
satisfactorily accounted for, by the number of emigrants, and the
increase of their descendants, which have been attracted to the
Northern section from Europe and the South, in consequence of the
advantages derived from the causes assigned. If they had not
existed --- if the South had retained all the capital which has
been extracted from her by the fiscal action of the Government;
and, if it had not been excluded by the ordinance of 1787 and the
Missouri compromise, from the region lying between the Ohio and
the Mississippi rivers, and between the Mississippi and the Rocky
Mountains north of 36° 30' - it scarcely admits of a doubt, that
it would have divided the emigration with the North, and by
retaining her own people, would have at least equaled the North
in population under the census of 1840, and probably under that
about to be taken. She would also, if she had retained her equal
rights in those territories, have maintained an equality in
number of States with the North, and have preserved the
equilibrium between the two sections that existed at the
commencement of the Government The loss, then, of the equilibrium
is to be attributed to the action of this Government.
But while these measures were destroying the
equilibrium between the two sections, the action of the
Government was leading to a radical change in its character; by
concentrating all the power of the system in itself. The occasion
will not permit me to trace the measures by which this great
change has been consummated. If it did, it would not be difficult
to show that the process commenced at an early period of the
Government; and that it proceeded, almost without interruption,
step by step, until it absorbed virtually its entire powers; but
without going through the whole process to establish the fact, it
may be done satisfactorily by a very short statement.
That the Government claims, and practically maintains
the right to decide in the last resort, as to the extent of its
powers, will scarcely be denied by any one conversant with the
political history of the country. That it also claims the right
to resort to force to maintain whatever power it claims, against
all opposition, is equally certain. Indeed it is apparent, from
what we daily hear, that this has become the prevailing and fixed
opinion of a great majority of the community. Now, I ask, what
limitation can possibly be placed upon the powers of a government
claiming and exercising such rights? And, if none can be, how can
the separate governments of the States main them by the
constitution --- or the people of the several States maintain
those which are reserved to them, and among others, the sovereign
powers by which they ordained and established, not only their
separate State Constitutions and Governments, but also the
Constitution and Government of the United States? But, if they
have no constitutional means of maintaining them against the
right claimed by this Government, it necessarily follows, that
they hold them at its pleasure and discretion, and that all the
powers of the system are in reality concentrated in it. It also
follows, that the character of the Government has been changed in
consequence, from a federal republic, as it originally came from
the hands of its framers, into a great national consolidated
democracy. It has indeed, at present, all the characteristics of
the latter, and not one of the former, although it still retains
its outward form.
The result of the whole of these causes combined is
--- that the North has acquired a decided ascendency over every
department of this Government, and through it a control over all
the powers of the system. A single section governed by the will
of the numerical majority, has now, in fact, the control of the
Government and the entire powers of the system. what was once a
constitutional federal republic, is now converted, in reality,
into one as absolute as that of the Autocrat of Russia,and as
despotic in its tendency as any absolute government that ever
existed.
As, then, the North has the absolute control over the
Government, it is manifest, that on all questions between it and
the South, where there is a diversity of interests, the interest
of the latter will be sacrificed to the former, however
oppressive the effects may be; as the South possesses no means by
which it can resist, through the action of the Government. But if
there was no question of vital importance to the South, in
reference to which there was a diversity of views between the two
sections, this state of things might be endured, without the
hoard of destruction to the South. But such is not the fact.
There is a question of vital importance to the Southern section,
in reference to which the views and feelings of the two sections
are as opposite and hostile as they can possibly be.
I refer to the relation between the races in the
Southern Section, which constitutes a vital portion of her social
organization. Every portion of the North entertains views and
feelings more or less hostile to it. Those most opposed and
hostile, regard it as a sin, and consider themselves under the
most sacred obligation to use every effort to destroy it. Indeed,
to the extent that they conceive they have power; they regard
themselves as implicated in the sin, and responsible for not
suppressing it by the use of all and every means. Those less
opposed and hostile, regard it as a crime - an offence against
humanity, as they call it; and, although not so fanatical, feel
themselves bound to use all efforts to effect the same object;
while those who are least opposed and hostile, regard it as a
blot and a stain on the character of what they call the Nation,
and feel themselves accordingly bound to give it no countenance
or support. On the contrary, the Southern situation regards the
relation as one which cannot be destroyed without subjecting the
two races to the greatest calamity, and the section to poverty,
desolation, and wretchedness; and accordingly they feel bound, by
every consideration of interest and safety, to defend it.
This hostile feeling on the part of the North towards
the social organization of South long lay dormant, but it only
required some cause to act on those who felt most intensely that
they were responsible for its continuance, to call it into
action. The increasing power of this Government, and of the
control of the Northern section over all its departments
furnished the cause. It was this which made an impression on the
minds of many, that there was little or no restraint to prevent
the Government from doing whatever it might choose to do. This
was sufficient of itself to put the most fanatical portion of the
North in action, for the purpose of destroying the existing
relation between the two races in the South.
The first organized movement towards it commenced in
1835. Then, for the first time, societies were organized, presses
established, lecturers sent forth to excite the people of the
North, and incendiary publications scattered over the whole
South, through the mail. The South was thoroughly aroused.
Meetings were held everywhere, and resolutions adopted, calling
upon the North to apply a remedy to arrest the threatened evil,
and pledging themselves to adopt measures for their own
protection, if it was not arrested. At the meeting of Congress,
petitions poured in from the North, calling upon Congress to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and to prohibit,
what they called, the internal slave trade between the States -
announcing at the same time, that their ultimate object was to
abolish slavery, not only in the District, but in the States and
throughout the Union. At this period, the number engaged in the
agitation was small, and possessed little or no personal
influence.
Neither party in Congress had, at that time, any
sympathy with them or their cause. The members of each party
presented their petitions with great reluctance. Nevertheless,
small and contemptible as the party then was, both of the great
parties of the North dreaded them. They felt, that though small,
they were organized in reference to a subject which had a great
and a commanding influence over the Northern mind. Each party, on
that account, feared to oppose their petitions, lest the opposite
party should take advantage of the one who might do so, by
favoring them. The effect was, that both united in insisting that
the petitions should be received, and that Congress should take
jurisdiction over the subject. To justify their course, they took
the extraordinary ground, that Congress was bound to receive
petitions on every subject, however objectionable they might be,
and whether they had, or had not, jurisdiction over the subject.
These views prevailed in the House of Representatives, and
partially in the Senate; and thus the party succeeded in their
first movements, in gaining what they pro-posed -a position in
Congress, from which agitation could be extended over the whole
Union. This was the commencement of the agitation, which has ever
since continued, and which, as is now acknowledged, has
endangered the Union itself.
As for myself, I believed at that early period, if the
party who got up the petitions should succeed in getting Congress
to take jurisdiction, that agitation would follow, and that it
would in the end, if not arrested, destroy the Union. I then so
expressed myself in debate, and called upon both parties to take
grounds against assuming jurisdiction; but in vain. Had my voice
been heeded, and had Congress refused to take jurisdiction, by
the united votes of all parties, the agitation which followed
would have been prevented, and the fanatical zeal that gives
impulse to the agitation, and which has brought us to our present
perilous condition, would have become extinguished, from the want
of fuel to feed the flame. That was the time for the North to
have shown her devotion to the Union; but, unfortunately, both of
the great parties of that section were so intent on obtaining or
retaining party ascendency, that all other considerations were
overlooked or forgotten.
What has since followed are but natural consequences.
With the success of their first movement, this small fanatical
party began to acquire strength; and with that, to become an
object of courtship to both the great parties. The necessary
consequence was, a further increase of power, and a gradual
tainting of the opinions of both of the other parties with their
doctrines, until the infection has extended over both; and the
great mass of the population of the North, who, whatever may be
their opinion of the original abolition party, which still
preserves its distinctive organization, hardly ever fail, when it
comes to acting, to co-operate in carrying out their measures.
With the increase of their influence, they extended the sphere of
their action. In a short time after the commencement of their
first movement, they had acquired sufficient influence to induce
the legislatures of most of the Northern States to pass acts,
which in effect abrogated the clause of the constitution that
provides for the delivery up of fugitive slaves. Not long after,
petitions followed to abolish slavery in forts, magazines, and
dock-yards, and all other places where Congress had exclusive
power of legislation This was followed by petitions and
resolutions of legislatures of the Northern States, and popular
meetings, to exclude the Southern States from all territories.
acquired, or to be acquired, and to prevent the admission of any
State hereafter into the Union, which, by its constitution does
not prohibit slavery. And Congress is invoked to do all this,
expressly with the view to the final abolition of slavery in the
States. That has been avowed to be the ultimate object from the
beginning of the agitation until the present time; and yet the
great body of both parties of the North, with the full knowledge
of the fact, although disavowing the abolitionists, have
cooperated with them in almost all their measures.
Such is a brief history of the agitation, as far as it
has yet advanced. Now I ask, Senators, what is there to prevent
its further progress, until it fulfills the ultimate end
proposed, unless some decisive measure should be adopted to
prevent it? Has any one of the causes, which has added to its
increase from its original small and contemptible beginning until
it has attained its present magnitude, diminished in force? Is
the original cause of the movement - that slavery is a sin, and
ought to be suppressed - weaker now than at the commencement? Or
is the abolition party less numerous or influential, or have they
less influence with, or control over the two great parties of the
North in elections? Or has the South greater means of influencing
or controlling the movements of this Government now, than it had
when the agitation commenced? To all these questions but one
answer can be given: No --- no --- no. The very reverse is true.
Instead of being weaker, all the elements in favor of agitation
are stronger now than they were in 1835, when it first commenced,
while all the elements of influence on the part of the South are
weaker. Unless something decisive is done, I again ask, what is
to stop this agitation, before the great and final object at
which it aims - the abolition of slavery in the States --- is
consummated? Is it, then, not certain, that if something is not
done to arrest it, the South will be forced to choose between
abolition and secession? Indeed, as events are now moving, it
will not require the South to secede, in order to dissolve the
Union. Agitation will of itself effect it, of which its past
history furnishes abundant proof - as I shall next proceed to
show.
It is a great mistake to suppose that disunion can be
effected by a single blow. The cords which bound these States
together in one common Union, are far too numerous and powerful
for that. Disunion must be the work of time. It is only through a
long process, and successively, that the cords can be snapped,
until the whole fabric falls asunder. Already the agitation of
the slavery question has snapped some of the most important, and
has greatly weakened all the others, as I shall proceed to show.
The cords that bind the States together are not only
many, but various in character. Some are spiritual or
ecclesiastical; some political; others social. Some appertain to
the benefit conferred by the Union, and others to the feeling of
duty and obligation.
The strongest of those of a spiritual and
ecclesiastical nature, consisted in the unity of the great
religious denominations, all of which originally embraced the
whole Union. All these denominations, with the exception,
perhaps, of the Catholics, were organized very much upon the
principle of our political institutions. Beginning with smaller
meetings, corresponding with the political divisions of the
country, their organization terminated in one great central
assemblage, corresponding very much with the character of
Congress. At these meetings the principal clergymen and lay
members of the respective denominations, from all parts of the
Union, met to transact business relating to their common
concerns. It was not confined to what appertained to the
doctrines and discipline of the respective denominations, but
extended to plans for disseminating the Bible --- establishing
missions, distributing tracts --- and of establishing presses for
the publication of tracts, newspapers, and periodicals, with a
view of diffusing religious information --- and for the support
of their respective doctrines and creeds. All this combined
contributed greatly to strengthen the bonds of the Union. The
ties which held each denomination together formed a strong cord
to hold the whole Union together; but, powerful as they were,
they have not been able to resist the explosive effect of slavery
agitation.
The first of these cords which snapped, under its
explosive force, was that of the powerful Methodist Episcopal
Church. The numerous and strong ties which held it together, are
all broken, and its unity gone. They now form separate churches;
and, instead of that feeling of attachment and devotion to the
interests of the whole church which was formerly felt, they are
now arrayed into two hostile bodies, engaged in litigation about
what was formerly their common property.
The next cord that snapped was that of the Baptists
--- one of the largest and most respectable of the denominations.
That of the Presbyterian is not entirely snapped, but some of its
strands have given way. That of the Episcopal Church is the only
one of the four great Protestant denominations which remains
unbroken and entire.
The strongest cord, of a political character, consists
of the many and powerful ties that have held together the two
great parties which have, with some modifications, existed from
the beginning of the Government. They both extended to every
portion of the Union, and strongly contributed to hold all its
parts together. But this powerful cord has fared no better than
the spiritual. It resisted, for a long time, the explosive
tendency of the agitation, but has finally snapped under its
force - if not entirely, in a great measure. Nor is there one of
the remaining cords which has not been greatly weakened. To this
extent the Union has already been destroyed by agitation, in the
only way it can be, by sundering and weakening the cords which
bind it together.
If the agitation goes on, the same force, acting with
increased intensity, as has been shown, will finally snap every
cord, when nothing will be left to hold the States together
except force. But, surely, that can, with no propriety of
language, be called a Union, when the only means by which the
weaker is held connected with the stronger portion is force. It
may, indeed, keep them connected; but the connection will partake
much more of the character of subjugation, on the part of the
weaker to the stronger, than the union of free, independent, and
sovereign States, in one confederation, as they stood in the
early stages of the Government, and which only is worthy of the
sacred name of Union. |
